فصلنامه دولت پژوهی
پیاپی 21 (بهار 1399)

Iranshahri is a new version of the old heritage that, despite its traces in the pre-constitutional period, is especially due to the developments in the constitution and the national government. When the National Government (1905) was established in Iran, it led the constitutional leaders to find a "place" where they could set up tents of this nationality but be safe from the winds and storms. Some of these thinkers saw this "suitable place" in "ancient Iran" and tried to "revive" it. These ideas have had ups and downs so far, and its current expression is tied to the thoughts and works of Professor Seyed Javad Tabatabaei. In this article, while explaining "Iranshahri" according to the latest book of Professor Tabatabaei, some positive and negative aspects of this idea have been examined. In his opinion, Iran was not a part of the Islamic history and world, but also in the area of "Inside Out". The area that although "we have not yet been able to draw its coordinates", is, and we have the "intuition" and recognize. Therefore, an independent theory is required to explain Iran's transformation logic. In this writing, we have tried to investigate this thought and some of its important material.

In recent modernity era, especially between big war and the annihilation of communism, the most important political division in democratic countries has been the duality of Right/Left. Often the two biggest rival parties, apart from their different names, have been representing two tendencies, the social democracy and the liberal democracy. The main difference between these two positions has been about functionality and ethicality of welfare state. Our question in this article is the following: From the point view of social and economic mechanism, the intersection of democratic countries is closer to system of preferences of social democracy or liberal democracy?  It is to corroboration that, somewhat contrary to the twentieth century, a scientific-experimental and realistic approach to the social planning makes these two positions convergent in a pragmatist framework, and, despite of a propagandist atmosphere of challenge, their theoretical and ideological differences are leaving their seriousness and functionality. The conflict of Tax versus services is transferring from an ideological and ethical principle to a subject for a limited and temporary examination among a group of experts. The existence of welfare state is no more a problem, it is its ranges and limitations which is a subject of discussion and decision. Even the domain of disagreement here is to reduce.

In Iran, a major part of the supporting measures of government to prevent social problems and support vulnerable groups and persons with disabilities, is offered through the Social Welfare Organization. Despite attracting the cooperation of civil society organizations in support of the disadvantaged people and a wide range of agreements with other institutions, along with various services offered to the target population, Iran’s Welfare Organization still faces major shortcomings in achieving its goals. These challenges become more acute in the face of growing social damages. Therefore, evaluation of the management model of the Welfare Organization in order to address deficiencies and overcome the challenges is essential. In the present study, applying a qualitative method, the data are collected via interviewing and studying documents and evidences. Then, having adopted the thematic analysis method, the data were described, organized and analyzed. During the analysis of findings, eight categories related to the performance of Welfare Organization were identified. The extracted categories were drawn and presented in the form of a paradigmatic model as the functional challenges of the Welfare Organization of Iran. At the end, proposed strategies were presented in the form of three broad concepts of ‘the need to shift the approach, focusing on monitoring and surveillance and strengthening civil institutions and outsourcing.

This article analyzes the role and power of the military in Turkey and how they interfere in Turkey's political arena, using deep-state theory. The research question is that with regard to the Turkish constitutional amendments and the reduction of military influence on political affairs, is it possible for the country's military to become an active actor in the political arena? The conceptual framework of research is the theory of deep state. The research findings indicate that the military still has the potential for political participation and intervention in Turkish affairs, but for reasons such as reducing legitimacy, foreign pressure and a new understanding of security issues in Turkey, the military has found that Political issues should be solved by the government, not the military and the army headquarters. On this base, they have implicitly entered the coalition with Erdogan and the AKP because of their common enemies with the AK PARTy, including the Pkk and the Gulen Movement, and given that Erdogan's National security and fight against internal and external enemies need military support, and the army will cooperate with the AKP government if they consider national security and defense issues in their regard. The data collection method is document and library and data analysis is done by process tracking analysis.

Rentier governments have suffered in their economic and political aspects because of their high dependence on rentier revenues. In political terms, these governments have an authoritarian and non-democratic nature due to the separation of their sources of income from society. In the economic aspect, their obvious feature is a single product, an inflationary economy with unemployment and a deficit. The study seeks to address the economic and political pathology of Kuwait by studying the case of Kuwait as a rentier state. At the Kuwaiti economy, efforts have been made to diversify its single-product economy away from economic diversification, but still a significant part of its economy is derived from oil revenues. In the political aspect, the main feature of this government is the lack of tax and non-representation, The Kuwaiti government has suffered from fiscal deficits, inflation, and unemployment, due to its dependence on oil revenues, which tended to gradually shift towards an economically importing, vulnerable consumerism which pushes it towards an authoritarian and non-democratic state, as its governors with financial support seek to buy political and postpone democracy. With the continuation of such crises, it appears that the Kuwaiti government will face the obvious political and economic challenges in the future.

Political development, in the sense of expanding partnerships and ideological competition in the political arena, at least at the elite level, requires institutions, organizations and developments in the structure of traditional society. In the first Pahlavi period the programs for the modernization created the field, provided social political developments and, to some extent, the possibility of political competition and participation was provided. But the emergence of an absolute government stabilized a major obstacle to expanding partnerships and competition and reproduced authoritarianism. This paper tries to rely on the text of the negotiations of the sixth to twelfth sessions of the National Assembly, and based on the fact that the type of government and political system is directly related to the realization or non-fulfillment of political development, the concept of political development in the first Pahlavi period (1320-1304) was assessed. By selecting the model of "Bernard Crick ", the authors have presented the concept of political development in the context of the negotiations of the National Assembly of this period and in the light of the description of the historical context. Revising the text of the talks based on the model of the Crick, it is argued that the construction of the government, along with the presence of the parliament, which, in the eleven cases of the model under consideration, confirms that the government is absolutism, can be considered as one of the main reasons for the failure of political development.

The establishment of the Islamic State in the Age of Absence is one of the fundamental issues of political jurisprudence. This article compares and analyzes the collected ideas and documents collected from the works of Mirza Naeini and Shahid Sadr with a comparative research method such as collecting library data and imitating Skeiner's hermeneutic theoretical idea in understanding the political thought of these two Islamic thinkers. The research findings emphasize several points; Contrary to popular belief in the similarity of the council government in Naini and Sadr's thought, the two theories are different. In the geometry of Mirza Naeini's political knowledge, sovereignty is a divine right and does not belong to the people, but the council is the people's right. According to the principle of the council, the people have the right to consult with the ruler, but in the opinion of Martyr Sadr, the sovereignty is the people's right, and consulting is a right of public to stablish the sovereignty of the people. The essential difference of the council government leads to the formation of different functions for the principle of the council in Imami jurisprudence and causes the emergence of a new approach in examining the political matter from the perspective of Imami political jurisprudence.